On the wh-Island
by Taisuke Nishigauchi
critically discusses the view, which has been accepted widely in the literature,
that the effects of the wh-island condition are freely violable
at LF. For this purpose, we examine the famous example from Baker's
(1970) seminal work which has been used to support this view. In
the course of the discussion, we present the following generalization:
1. The interrogative
clause containing the scope-taking element (wh-phrase or a quantifier)
must be governed by a know-type verb.
The claim is that there
is no direct movement of a scope-taking element to a position interacting
scopally with a matrix wh-phrase, based on the facts from relevant
constructions in English and Japanese.
2. The scope-taking
element in the complement clause must be able to serve as the generator
of the pair-list interpretation holding within the complement clause.
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