KACL Lecture Series
#4 : Hajime Hoji
(傍士 元 氏)
University of Southern California / ATR
Surface and Deep Anaphora, and Some Implications
Date : Dec 15, 2000, 16:30---
Place : Kobe Shoin Women's University, Room 1231
Given a certain linguistic intuition, we do not know a priori
what aspects of it are due to the language faculty proper and
what others are due to factors outside it. The general goal of
this talk is to provide an illustration of how one might proceed
to separate the contributions of the language faculty from those
of the factors outside it. A specific empirical goal of this
talk is to argue that the nature of the sloppy identity reading
in surface anaphora is distinct from that in deep anaphora.
In particular, I maintain, following Hankamer & Sag 1976, that
the ellipsis site in surface anaphora, such as empty VP in VP
ellipsis (VPE) in English (and an empty IP in one type of
comparative in Japanese) is fully represented at LF, in such a
way that the necessary conditions for the availability of a
sloppy identity reading in surface anaphora are satisfied.
I further maintain that deep anaphora, more precisely, the
categories or elements that are considered to exhibit properties
as such, on the other hand, is not fully represented at LF
in the way the surface anaphora is.
Descriptively, I discuss VPE, do the same thing,
do that, stripping in English, and the so-called null
object construction, soo su 'do so', stripping, and
comparatives in Japanese. (I might also discuss sluicing in
Japanese and English.) One of the main points of the paper is
that what appear to yield the "same interpretation(s)" sometimes
have radically different formal properties. This holds
cross-linguistically as well as language-internally.
Cross-linguistic instances of this can be seen when we examine
VPE in English and the null object construction in Japanese, and
language-internal instances of this can be seen when we look
at (i) VPE and do the same thing in English and (ii)
case-marked versions of stripping and comparatives in Japanese on
the one hand and their non-case-marked versions on the other.
We can observe the kind of contrast noted in (ii) in English as
well, by considering the differences between
NY, too and To NY, too.
The presentation will be based on (portions of) a (hopefully
improved) version of my "Surface and Deep Anaphora and
Experiments in Syntax" (to appear in Anaphora: A Reference
Guide, eds. A. Barss, and T. Langendoen, Blackwell,) which
in turn is based on:
If you would like to read some of these, prior to his
presentation at KACL, please contact him at
- Ch. 5 "Sloppy Identity in Japanese" of Hoji 1990
Theories of Anaphora and Japanese Syntax.
- "Formal Dependency, Organization of Grammar and Japanese
Demonstratives," (1998) Japanese/Korean Linguistics 7,
N. Akatsuka, H. Hoji, S. Iwasaki, S.-O. Sohn, and S. Strauss,
eds., Center for the Study of Language and Information,
Stanford., pp. 649-677.
- "Null Object and Sloppy Identity in Japanese," (1998)
Linguistic Inquiry 29.1 pp. 127-152.
- "Sloppy Identity and Formal Dependency," (1997)
WCCFL 15, Center for the Study of Language and
Information, Stanford. pp. 209-223.
- "Sloppy Identity and Principle B," (1997) ATOMISM & BINDING,
H. Bennis, P. Pica and J. Rooryck, eds., Foris Publications,
Dordrecht, pp. 205-235.
- "Stripping and Sluicing in Japanese and Some Implications,"
(1999) (With Teruhiko Fukaya) In Bird, Sonya, Andrew Carnie,
Jason D. Haugen, and Peter Norquest, eds., Proceedings of
the 18th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics,
Cascadilla Press, Somerville, Massachusetts. pp. 145-158.
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